From 'Cockroach' to a People's Movement: The Rise of Student Activism in India

New Delhi, India Jul 26, 2026 ALN: How a student protest grew beyond its founders

New Delhi: It ended where, in many ways, it had begun. Moments after Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan resigned on Saturday, Abhijeet Dipke, founder of the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP), thanked Chief Justice Surya Kant. It was Surya Kant’s “cockroach” remark during a Supreme Court hearing that had inadvertently given the movement its defining symbol. A word intended to ridicule protesting students was instead embraced by them, becoming an identity around which a nationwide campaign would eventually take shape.

The transformation of the term “cockroach” from an insult into a rallying cry is emblematic of the resilience and creativity of student activism in India. This phenomenon is not new; India has a rich history of student movements that have played critical roles in shaping the political landscape. From the anti-Emergency protests in the 1970s to the more recent anti-CAA protests, students have often been at the forefront of challenging the status quo. However, the rise of digital platforms has significantly altered the dynamics of how these movements are organized and sustained.

As the Cockroach Janata Party emerged, it utilized social media as a powerful tool to galvanize support and spread its message. Cockroach emojis flooded social media, memes appeared overnight, artists sketched caricatures, and satirical posters circulated on campuses. Dipke transformed the insult into the Cockroach Janata Party, which began as a satirical social media page before emerging as the face of the student movement. This transition highlights the innovative ways in which modern activists are harnessing technology to mobilize support and communicate their messages.

Even when one of its social media accounts was taken down, it returned with another account titled “Cockroach is Back,” carrying the tagline, “Cockroaches never die.” This resilience in the face of censorship reflects a broader trend among activists who are increasingly adept at navigating the complexities of digital activism. Unlike many student agitations of the past, this one first gathered momentum online before spilling onto the streets, demonstrating how digital platforms can serve as incubators for real-world action.

The “cockroach” quickly evolved into one of the country’s largest digital communities. CJP today has around 26.3 million followers on Instagram, against about 14.8 million for the Congress and 9.5 million for the BJP. This substantial following underscores the movement's ability to resonate with a wide audience, particularly among the youth, who are increasingly disillusioned with traditional political structures. Reels, memes, livestreams, and constant updates from the protest site carried the movement far beyond those directly involved in organizing it. As its popularity grew, several of its social media handles faced restrictions and takedowns, triggering legal challenges and debates about freedom of expression in the digital age.

The first indication that the online support could translate into public mobilization came on June 6, when students gathered at Jantar Mantar. The significance of this gathering cannot be overstated; it marked the beginning of a new chapter in student activism, where digital solidarity transitioned into physical presence. Similar demonstrations soon followed in several cities as campus groups and local volunteers organized solidarity protests, discussions, and public meetings. This grassroots approach showcased the collaborative spirit of the movement, as diverse groups united under a common cause.

The movement entered a new phase on June 20. Armed with permission for a daylong demonstration, students from across Delhi and other states flocked to Jantar Mantar. When the protest ended, they refused to disperse despite repeated police announcements declaring the gathering illegal. What was meant to be a one-day protest gradually turned into a round-the-clock sit-in that has continued since. This determination to remain at the protest site illustrates a growing sense of agency among students, who are increasingly unwilling to accept the status quo.

As days passed, student outfits, particularly Left groups such as AISA, AISF, SFI, and KYS, joined the sit-in. Food, drinking water, and medical assistance were supplied on a war-footing. Many came just to spend a day, a night, or even a few hours at Jantar Mantar before returning home, highlighting the inclusive nature of the movement. The participation of various student organizations further enriched the discourse within the movement, as different ideologies and strategies converged to form a unified front.

Another turning point came on June 28 when Sonam Wangchuk joined the agitation and began a hunger strike along with six student activists. Wangchuk, a prominent education reformist and environmentalist, brought a wealth of experience and credibility to the movement. His arrival widened the movement’s appeal beyond campuses, attracting attention from various sectors of society. Parents, teachers, academics, retired civil servants, lawyers, artists, and public figures began visiting Jantar Mantar. Daily medical bulletins on Wangchuk and the student hunger strikers became closely followed updates, keeping the agitation in public focus even on days without major demonstrations.

Wangchuk expanded the movement’s appeal, and the government’s response could hardly contain it. Visuals of Wangchuk being removed from the protest site, his subsequent hospitalization, and repeated police action against demonstrators spread rapidly across social media. The images drew criticism from opposition parties, civil society groups, and public figures, and brought fresh supporters to the protest site. This cycle of action and reaction underscores the dynamic interplay between the government and the protesters, where each side's responses can significantly shape the trajectory of the movement.

The July 20 march towards Parliament became another defining moment. As thousands of students marched despite heavy barricading, forces dispersed the crowd using baton charge and tear gas. Tasers and pellet guns made a show. Protesters refused to leave the site even after the crackdown. Images and videos of the police excesses circulated widely online, prompting widespread outrage and solidarity from various sectors of society. The heavy-handed response by law enforcement only served to galvanize support for the movement, as many citizens began to view the students as symbols of resistance against state oppression.

In the days that followed, protests sprouted in Mumbai, Indore, Nagpur, Kolkata, and many other cities. Members of the Indian diaspora held demonstrations abroad, further amplifying the movement's reach and impact. The transnational solidarity displayed by the diaspora illustrates how local issues can resonate on a global scale, creating a sense of shared struggle among communities. The protest developed a language distinctly its own. Students answered criticism with memes, satire, and parody. Some asked for selfies with police, while others gave them flowers. This playful yet defiant approach to protest highlights the creativity and resourcefulness of the student activists, who are adept at using humor as a tool for resistance.

Mahatma Gandhi’s Dandi March, Dr. BR Ambedkar, Bhagat Singh, and the Constitution were heroized. The National Anthem was sung before police barricades, poetry was recited, and Bollywood songs were danced to. Such cultural expressions served not only to uplift the spirits of the protesters but also to create a sense of belonging and collective identity among participants. By invoking historical figures and symbols, the movement positioned itself within a broader narrative of resistance and social change in India.

By the final week of the agitation, the movement was virtually on automatic mode, beyond the sway of any single leader. Many of those coming to Jantar Mantar had never interacted with Dipke or CJP before. They came after watching videos online, following Wangchuk’s health updates, and witnessing the police action. This organic growth of the movement, characterized by decentralized leadership and collective action, reflects a significant shift in how student protests are organized in the digital age. Individuals acting independently rather than any single organization sustained the movement, showcasing the power of grassroots activism.

Those who could not travel supported the agitation by ordering food and other essentials online for protesters. Content creators, independent YouTubers, and social media influencers amplified developments from the site, introducing the movement to audiences far removed from Delhi. The role of digital content creators in shaping public discourse cannot be underestimated, as they serve as both informants and advocates for the movement, bridging the gap between the protest site and the wider public.

Although Pradhan has resigned, the movement has traveled far beyond its humble origins now. Whether that momentum survives beyond its first major political victory remains to be seen. But in the weeks between the “cockroach” remark and Pradhan’s resignation, the movement demonstrated how an online campaign could evolve into a mass mobilization that ultimately became larger than the organization that first set it in motion. This evolution raises important questions about the future of student activism in India and the potential for similar movements to emerge in response to pressing social and political issues.